The Influence of Spanish on Tagalog

John U. Wolff, Cornell University
JUW1@ Cornell.edu

Spanish Summary
	En esta investigación abordo la cuestión del carácter del contacto existente entre el mundo hispánico y el filipino por medio de un estudio de los préstamos españoles al tagalo. Esos préstamos, palabras y locuciones españoles que han sido apropiados por el tagalo, sirven como medida de la profundidad y el alcance de dicho contacto. Un estudio de ellos proporciona una respuesta a la pregunta de cómo fue la influencia de la civilización hispánica sobre la civilización filipina: ¿abrumadora y de una profundidad inconmensurable o fue grande en alcance pero superficial en efecto? Se pueden defender ambas respuestas. En este artículo voy a plantear los datos que nos permiten responder en un sentido o en otro.
El español tuvo una influencia considerable en la lengua tagala, reflejándose en una capa cultural de grandes dimensiones tanto en las instituciones culturales y religiosas como también en la vida técnica y en los accesorios personales que caracterizan la vida cotidiana - comida, ropa, vivienda, juegos y diversiones, e incluso literatura por citar algunos ejemplos. La influencia hispánica es omnipresente, y pocas son las manifestaciones de la vida cotidiana y de los sucesos del ciclo vital filipino cuyo aspecto superficial no haya cambiado totalmente como resultado del contacto hispánico, lo cual se refleja en la lengua tagala. 
Sin embargo esa penetración no fue profunda - en ningún sentido las Filipinas llegaron a ser una nación hispánica. Las instituciones tenían formas hispánicas y nombres provenientes del español, pero con relación al contenido, fueron reinterpretadas con contenido filipino. La lengua refleja esa reinterpretación: las palabras y locuciones españolas fueron tagalizadas en contenido semantico, en estructura gramatical, y en gran medida en su forma fonológica. La fonología tagala indudablemente cambió como resultado del contacto, pero no lo hizo de manera drástica: las innovaciones resultantes fueron semejantes en tipo y profundidad a las innovaciones en la lengua inglesa resultantes del contacto por ejemplo con el francés, y esos cambios no manifiestan una reestructuración profunda u omnipresente de la fonología. 
Una investigación sobre el carácter de los préstamos tagalos provenientes del español discubre indicios de la presencia en la comunidad tagalo-hablante de un grupo bilingüe que empleaba el español como código social – lo que quiere decir que el español funcionaba para marcar el contexto social e indicar el status social de la persona que hablaba. El hecho de que estas palabras y locuciones de origen hispánico tengan una forma tagalizada es una indicación de la existencia de ese segmento hispano-hablante en la comunidad tagala. 
Sin duda ese código hispánico no era el español oficial ni un español parecido a la lengua que se usa en otras partes del mundo hispánico. Suponiendo que el uso de las lenguas actualmente sigue la pauta del pasado, podemos decir que ese código hispánico tenía un carácter parecido al inglés que se usa actualmente en la comunidad tagalo-hablante. Eso es el carácter de la lengua entrelazada que se llama actualmente el “taglish” que está compuesta del inglés entrelazado con el tagalo, de la cual doy un ejemplo en el apéndice. La causa del desarollo de ese código se explica por la necesidad de un sector de la comunidad de distinguirse del resto. Su uso sirve típicamente como indicación de pertenencia a un grupo escogido (una raza, etnia, o clase superior a los otros). La existencia de un código de ese carácter entrelazado explica más claramente no solo la existencia en el tagalo actual de locuciones de origin español muy frecuentes y prominentes sino también el uso de manera productiva de características lingüísticas del español.
0. Introduction
	In this paper I would like to study what the influence of the Spanish language on Tagalog can tell us about the nature of the contact between the Filipinos and the Spaniards and find some way of measuring or putting into words the degree and quality of the penetration of European civilization on Tagalog culture. It is clear that the influence from Spanish to Tagalog was huge. The Spaniards came to the Tagalog lands, directly or via the New World, and their mission was, as the Spanish government justified it to herself, to bring Christianity a la Spain to the natives. Individuals, of course, often came to the islands with less noble intentions. As a result there was no segment of the Tagalog population which was not reached by this contact and no area of thought or behavior which was left untouched. Certainly Spain and Spanish culture did not remain uninfluenced by her contact with the Filipinos, but here I will confine myself to the changes which the Tagalogs themselves underwent. Although in this paper I am going to deal only with Tagalog, I could state provisionally on the basis of shallow and quick overviews that the Tagalog case is paradigmatic for all the lowland Christian groups. It may have taken some centuries for Spanish influence to penetrate the remotest and most isolated of the Christian groups, but it seems to be the case that the Spanish penetration and influence was very much of the same quality and degree in all areas. In short, my study here for Tagalog can be replicated for any one of the sixty or seventy other Christian linguistic groups in the Philippines with very similar results.
	Another issue which must be faced is the origin of the Spanish influence. My view is that the influence was direct from the Spanish speakers who came to the Philippines (from Spain and also from the New World), and that the existing evidence shows clearly that Hispanic linguistic influence was not mediated by Spanish Creoles of Portuguese origin - the well-known Chabacanos, which were and still are spoken and are in contact with Tagalog, for there is no evidence that the Chabacano speakers had influence of any sort on Tagalog or any of the other lowland Filipino languages. The influence came directly from Spain or Latin America and was mediated by the immigrants to the Philippines who occupied commanding positions economically, politically, and culturally.
	Of course not all Spanish loans come from peninsular Spanish. Some of the words refer to items which come from the New World, especially Mexico, and of course words from the Peninsula may well have been introduced by immigrants from the New World and not from Spain.
1. What do the loan forms show about the areas of contact?
	A glance at a Tagalog dictionary or a look at a running text with words of Spanish origin marked is convincing evidence of an overwhelming influx of Spanish forms. A Tagalog of the sixteenth century would not be able to understand the current language, although the language itself (I mean the grammatical structure and even the basic phonology) has remained remarkably stable over the past four centuries, and texts produced in the earliest years of the contact have little in them that is not perfectly normal nowadays. No doubt the lexicon has changed considerably, - the adoption of literally thousands of words of Hispanic provenience has surely lead to the falling into disuse of a considerable portion of the Tagalog vocabulary, as the comparison of the earliest Tagalog dictionaries with dictionaries produced in this century would readily indicate. However, I can find no change in the syntax and morphology which arose from Spanish influence, and although phonology is changed, it is not changed in a fundamental and overwhelming way. In that respect Tagalog seems to have changed less over the past four hundred years than, say, English.
	The range of semantic domains in which Tagalog has borrowed from Spanish is absolutely huge. There is little in the intellectual, social, material, or spiritual realm which has not taken on an overlay of Spanish-derived forms. To what extent this vocabulary represents an overlay and to what extent it is a matter of deep penetration overcoming native forms is a matter which we will address shortly. For now I just list a few examples. They can be multiplied tenfold or even up to a hundred-fold. The most overwhelming and obvious influence is in religion, church, and ceremonies having to do with Christianity. I say most obviously because the primary mission of the colonization was Christianization, and Christianity marked life in a profound way. Examples are: iglésia “church”, baptisteryo “baptismal font”, beatifikasyón “beatification”. Many of them are important and commonplace events connected with religion: bóda “marriage”, benediksiyón “blessing”, absolusyón “absolution”, and of course, utensils and clothing used in Christian ceremonies: ábito “(nun's) habit, alba “alb”, áras “coins given by bridegroom to the bride during the ceremony”, asáhas “orange blossoms the bride wears in her hair” (Spanish azahas” orange blossoms”), ataúd “coffin”, bitrína “glass covering for statue of saint”. Many of many dozens of forms have entered into the register of everyday language (see §2, below).  In the over 300 years of Spanish colonization the governmental, civic, and military structures were dominated by the Spaniards, and in these domains, as well, we find words almost exclusively of Spanish origin. Governmental forms: bóto “vote”, burukrásya “bureaucracy”, asambléa “assembly”, aransél “customs duties”; civic appurtenances: busón “letter box”, bombéro “fireman”, bangkéta “sidewalk”, baryó “part of town”; civic actions: boykotéo “boycott”, rekísa “officially inspect”; legal terms: akta “minutes”, abíso “notification”, akusádo “ accused in a case”, bista “case, hearing”; military terms: asaláto “assault”, bála “bullet”, balwárte “bulwark”, bandéra/bandílaq “flag”; maritime terms: ángkla “anchor, babór “porthole”, baradéro “drydock”. Again some of these terms moved into the ordinary vocabulary from their official, bureaucratic domains (see §2, below). The Spanish also brought modernization and technical changes. Words for school, learning, science, technical inventions (but of course not the inventions and developments of the last sixty or seventy years, which take their terminology from English): abilidád “skill, dexterity”, angguló “angle”, asignatúra “course in a university”, apéndise “appendix of a book”, bérso “verse”; medicine and body parts medically considered: báso “spleen”, artérya “artery”, bentón “cupping glass”, bénda “bandage”; technical vocabulary and utensils: aparáto “aparatus”, aberyá/ abería “breakdown”, andén “platform in train station”, brótsa “paint brush”; construction and house types or parts of houses: baldósa “tile”, bányo “bathroom”, banyéra “handrail”, biságra “hinge”, bérhas “grill, iron bars for gates”. This includes items of everyday use in the household and agricultural items which were introduced after the coming of the Europeans: baldé “pail”, bahílya “set of dishes”, bebéro “bib”, bastidór “embroidery hoop”, bóte “bottle”, aspilí “pin”. The agricultural terms are of especial interest, as they point to new farming techniques introduced as the population changed from swidden farming to more settled methods of agriculture: aráro “plow”, asáda “hoe”, bangkál “terrace”. Connected with these agricultural terms are the terms having to do with horses and other animals which were introduced or became widespread after the arrival of the Spanish: kabáyoq “horse”, bokadúra “bridle”, batikóla “crupper”, báka “cow”, bisíro “young calf”, buwéy “ox”. The use of Spanish forms for geographical terms also comes from Spanish as the language of bureaucracy, modernization, and learning: Aprika “Africa”,  Atlántiko “Atlantic”, atmospéra “atmosphere, bulkán “volcano”. Spanish influence penetrated into many aspects of daily life. Items of dress and fashions were based on Spanish models, and the vocabulary reflects this: abaníko “fan (of the type carried as part of dress)”, bastón “walking cane”, bainíka “hem stitching”, bulsá “pocket”, sapátos “shoes”, abrígo “coat”. This use can account for the introduction of color terms: asúl “blue”, rósas “pink”, bérde “green”, although some color terms come from descriptions of animals abelyána “tan”, báyo “bay (color). Furniture, foods and trinkets also were influenced by Spanish tastes, and new things were introduced with their Spanish names – furniture: aparadór “sideboard, wardrobe”, atríl “music stand”, abrasadór “pillow for the leg”, byúmbo “folding screen”; foods: arína “flour”, arníbal “syrop”, aroskáldo “rice soup”, adóbo “marinated meat”, asúkal “cane sugar”, bíno “wine”. bitsuwélas “imported kinds of beans”, bakaláw “codfish”; trinkets: arupél “tinsel”, abalóryo “glass beads”, hóyas “jewelry”, brilyánte, solitáryo, diyamánte “diamonds” . The motivation for borrowing Spanish terms for ornamental plants probably is connected with this domain: asuséna “white lily”, dáma de nótse “night-blooming jasmine”. Other introduced substances or materials also borrow their Spanish names: brónse “bronze”, asupre “sulfur”, atóle “paste from flour and water” (of Mexican origin). Games, amusements, theater, and music were all influenced by Spanish models, and of course technical items in carrying out the activities in this realm are of Spanish origin: bóla “ball”, boladór “kite”; music: akompanyadór “accompaniest”, akórde “chord”, bómbo “drum”, bokadúra “mouthpiece”, bánda “band (of musicians)”; theater: entabládo “stage”, aktór “actor (in play)”, artísta “performer”, aklamasyón “acclamation”, games: balása “shuffle playing cards”, baráha “playing cards”, hwégo de anilyo “game with a ring”. Business, commerce, and manufacturing activities were expanded and changed in fundamental ways and this is reflected in the vocabulary: alkilá “rent”, arénda “let, lease”, bangkaróta “bankrupt”, balór “value”, antisípo “advance payment”, bálido “valid”, bále “worth, note”, merkádo, paléngke “market”, botíka “pharmacy”, bodéga “warehouse”; from the domain of manufacturing: bagáso “bagasse”, bagón “wagon, van, cart”. The names of occupations and related words associated with these new activities are also taken from Spanish: aparatísta “operator”, apréndis “apprentice”, aplikasyón “job application”. With the coming of Spaniards new ways of organizing society were introduced – new types of social events, new types of social classifications: bríndis “toast”, bupé “way of serving food”, apelyído “family name”, báyle “ball, European type dance”, biskónde “vicount”, ránggo “rank”, aristókrata “aristocrat”, donsélya “ virgin, untouched woman”, desgrasyáda “disgraced woman”. Occupations which came into being from changes in life styles are also of Spanish origin: barbéro “barber”, barbérya “barber shop”.
	Of course, not all of these items were entirely new introductions. In many cases there were similar things existing in the Philippines prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, but the Spanish introduced ways of looking at these items or using them such that they were felt to be something new. Thus the Filipinos probably already knew footgear, but it was something different from the Spanish zapatos; they had sugar cane for which there is a root tubó of perfectly good Austronesian etymology, but refined sugar came in with the Spanish, and for this they borrow the Spanish azucar; they had toddy very similar to wine, but the Spanish vino was rather different; they had native boats, but nothing like the Spanish barco, and their achors where different from the Spanish ancla. Rattan associated with Spanish-style furniture is called by a Spanish derived name, behúko, but there are numerous names of native origin for rattan as well.
	The prestige which Spanish enjoyed is a motivation for borrowing, as we shall see repeatedly in the succeeding sections. The belief that naming a child after the saint of its day of birth is good luck, and the prestige which Spanish enjoyed accounts for the predominance of given names in Spanish form. Family names were often assigned by the Church, and such names were of Spanish origin. The prestige of Spanish also accounts for terms of relations of Spanish origin: tíyo “uncle”, etc.
	In fact, the introduction of Spanish terms in certain domains demonstrates the extent to which Spanish influenced ways of thinking and acting. Expressions of time are taken directly from Spanish and taking account of the time is an activity or way of thinking introduced by the Spaniards. Months, days of the week, and years are expressed in forms derived from Spanish. The answer to questions of age can be in a form borrowed from Spanish, e.g., tres ányos “three years”. Counting for twenty and above is in numbers borrowed from Spanish. These are way of thinking about things which were introduced by the Spaniards. The numbers for prices comes from the use of Spanish in the realm of commercial activities.
2. Spanish loan forms in everyday domains
	Quantitively the influence is overwhelming, but these forms are mostly clearly come into Tagalog from cultural contact of a fairly superficial sort — the kind of loan words which are often referred to as “learned borrowings”. They refer to things people had and things which one could see, but not to the way people think, the values which they had, and the way they understood the institutions which regulated their lives. As Vincente Rafael (1993) points out, the Filipinos understood Spanish religion and institutions in ways that were rather different from the way the Spanish conceived of them, and for three hundred years communication was what has been termed “cross-talk”, where each side thinks that it understands the other, but in fact each side is talking in its own world. This is not to say that the borrowed vocabulary is entirely of the kind which is termed “learned borrowings”. Clearly much of it is in everyday realms. Many of these forms are learned borrowings which have entered into everyday domains – where metaphorical extensions, humorous usage, and euphemistic purposes provide the motivation for the spread. In many cases the Spanish had a broader meaning than the Tagalog borrowing, but through contact with Spanish the Tagalog form broadened the meaning to cover much of the range of Spanish. What I mean to say, is that existence of borrowings with meanings from everyday domains is explained in many cases by the fact that these forms were originally borrowed in specialized domains and then extended their meanings to everyday domains often under the influence of the range of meanings which the term had in Spanish. Here are some examples: from religion: bisíta “visiting a shrine” comes to mean “visit” in general; bída now means “converse”, which is a verbal form of the noun bída “story”. The notion of story comes from the original importation of the form bída meaning “the lives of the saints” from Spanish vida “life”; from the legal domain: bista “court case or hearing” comes to mean “view” in general; blangko “form to fill out” comes to mean “blank in general”. From military domains: rápido originally means “ hail of bullets or volley” but moves from the military realm to other domains meaning “rapid”; resérba basically means “military reserves” but comes to refer to anything extra. From transportation: bwélta “return ticket” comes to mean “turn around in general”; from commerce: bensído “due and payable” comes to mean “subdued”; from the civic domain: bihilánte “member of the vigilance committee” comes to mean “vigilant”. An example of the role of humor in spreading the meaning of learned borrowings to everyday domains: retáso “remnants in sewing” comes to refer to one's offspring.
	The examples provided are only a small sample of the total number of citations possible, and the picture begins to emerge of a penetration deeper than just the surface; for the spread of technical terms to everyday domains under the influence of the range of meanings which the original Spanish form had can only have taken place if Spanish was alive in the community - not only that there were Spanish speakers with whom the Tagalogs came into contact (as of course we know from other sources) but that there was an influential segment of the Tagalog community who knew Spanish well. No doubt they used Spanish regularly in dealing with Spanish speakers, but they may well have used Spanish among themselves as well. We have more to say shortly about the form of the Spanish used by Tagalog speakers. 
3. Evidence that Spanish was a “code” in the Tagalog speech community
	In addition to the spread of specialized forms into everyday domains there is a fair amount of other evidence which we may adduce to indicate that some of the members (influential members) of the Tagalog speech community were bilingual in Tagalog and Spanish (or Spanish of a certain kind). To be more accurate: there was a group of Tagalog speakers in Spanish times for whom Spanish was a code - that is, a variety of language which is used in everyday situations and which has a function in creating social structure (defining the status of the participants in the conversation, the setting, or the key or tone of the discourse), much as English now is in the present-day Philippines. The evidence for this consists of examples of penetration of Spanish into Tagalog deeper than the surface. Let us look at some of this evidence.
	First is the nativization of Spanish derivational forms, which rarely deviate in their semantics from the Spanish models, an indication of their original introduction from Tagalogs who spoke Spanish well: -ádo, -éro, -áble, -dór, -ísta, -ílyo, -íta, -óso. These affixes are not necessarily confined to roots of Spanish provenience, but may be applied to words of Tagalog provenience as well, and the affixed form to a Spanish root may well not occur in Spanish. In other words, Tagalog uses these affixes as productive formations in Tagalog. Examples are as follows. Many of these are not Spanish roots, and many others are Spanish roots but do not occur in Spanish with those affixes: -ádo: bistádo “obvious”, borádo “clogged”, apurádo “in a hurry”, aregládo “arranged”; -dór: adoradór “one who worships”; -áble: bailáble “danceable (music)”; -éro: abuséro “abusive”, boksingéro “boxer”, butangéro “goon”, bangkéro “boatman”, -ísta: bisiklísta “bicyclist”, bombísta “drummer”, -ílyo: baratílyo “sale”, binatílyo “young preadolescent boy”, -íta: dalagíta “preadolescent girl”, bandaréta “pennant”. Not all of the derived forms have the affixes used in their Spanish meanings: bandehádo “large platter” (Spanish bandeja “platter”), abusádo “abusive” (Spanish abusado “abused”). As in Spanish, these affixes form words which describe as well as nouns which refer to persons. The affixes -ádo and -éro are sometimes (but not always) changed to -áda and -éra respectively to refer to females: burdadéra “embroidery woman”, tarantáda “nervous (woman)”. This list gives only a small sample of the total number of forms with these affixes. Clearly they were productive. There was a special nuance which the forms with the Spanish-derived affixes had in common with each other which has its origins in the domains or contexts in which they were typically used, and this colors the meaning of the affixes to the extent that they come to have a different shade of meaning from the native analogues. This accounts for their productivity, and most (but not all) of the cases which occur with these affixes share in that nuance. But although these affixes are productive, they do not in any way compete with native affixation. Tagalog is very much agglutinative in type, in that all roots of a certain group are subject to the affixations which characterize the group. This is not the case of the affixes of Spanish origin. They are confined to specific forms, and although new forms have been created historically, these affixes are not like the native affixes which can be added to all roots of given classes. 
	Another example of a process of penetration to a degree deeper than the surface, is in forms originating from Spanish which cannot be termed “learned borrowings” in the sense of those above. One way, and probably the best way, to account for their presence in Tagalog is by a hypothesis that holds Spanish or a kind of Spanish to have been a code among some influential members of the the Tagalog speech community. These items refer to everyday matters for which perfectly good native forms exist or must have existed. Unlike the forms from everyday domains which result from the extension of the meaning of learned borrowings, these are in no apparent way derived by the extension of the basic meaning of “learned borrowings”. My thesis is that their penetration into Tagalog is a good indication that Spanish (or some kind of Spanish-type code, as we will discuss shortly) was indeed a code among some segment of the Tagalog speech community and this segment was influential. Many of these forms refer to personal characteristics, mostly negative. Several speculations may be adduced to explain why negative personal characteristics should be referred to by a word of Spanish origin rather than by a native form. One explanation is that Spanish forms are a way of indirection (a virtue in present-day Filipino culture and no doubt a long standing cultural characteristic), and in that way they serve to make the derogatory statement somewhat less derogatory. Clearly Spanish forms were used for euphemistic purposes: régla “menstruation”,  rindí/ rendí “confused, worn out”. A less generous speculation would be that the abusiveness described in Rizal's novels was very much a characteristic of Spanish behavior, and the frequent applications of these terms to Filipinos lead to their adoption into Tagalog. Be that as it may, the number of forms referring to negative personal characteristics is extensive. Some examples: animál “brute”, árte “put on”, ablá “talk too much”, beláko “sly, cunning”, bého “old, decrepid”, bóla “deception”, bóbo “stupid”, amor propyo “pride”, amoríyas “love affairs”, buníto “pretty (and lazy, spoiled)”. Not all of the forms referring to personal characteristics are negative. A few are neutral: aportunádo “fortunate”, barbón “having a beard”, and others are positive: píno, polído “refined”, ilustrádo “enlightened”. The main thing to note is that the influx of these forms into Tagalog is indicative of the influential presence of Spanish speakers in the Tagalog speech community. An indication of the extent to which direct criticism and harshness was avoided in the Tagalog speech community is the form repáro which means “critical remark” The Spanish etymon means (among other things) “objection, hesitation”. The shift to a harsher interpretation of the meaning indicates the extent to which Tagalog avoided sharp statements: the act of hesitating or pausing over something has been reinterpreted to mean giving criticism or reproach. The semantic range of the borrowed form may differ considerably from the Spanish etymon: dilihensiya “get something in a clever way” is a long way from the legal meaning of the Spanish dilegencia “proceedings”. In some cases Tagalog has not only changed the meaning but invented morphology to go with it: posturádo “dressed up”. This is synonymous with postúra “dressed up” which preserves the original Spanish form but has shifted the meaning considerably from the Spanish postura “posture”.
	This does not by any means account for forms of Spanish provenience in the list of Tagalog forms for the register of everyday activities or events. There is any number of forms of high frequency for which there are competing forms of native provenience. Here are a few examples: asikáso “pay attention”, asistí “attend, help”, atrás “go backwards”, atrasádo “behindhand”, aksidénte “accident”, bóses “voice”, bíktima “victim, victimize”, bentáha “advantage”, alakdán “scorpion”, mas bále “better (to do X than something else)”, and many others. A closer look is needed at these forms and comparison of the contexts in which they are used with the contexts in which the forms of native provenience are used to see if some evidence is available of the motivation for their borrowing, but in any case they can only have been borrowed if Spanish was a code for some members of the speech community. Some originated in a specific register for which Spanish was used and referred to a learned borrowing or an introduced way of looking at things and then moved into a more general register, but others seem to have come in from the use of Spanish forms to give a certain status to the speaker - that is, Spanish forms were a marker of status, much as French was in European languages of three or four generations ago.
4. Borrowing of Spanish terms for high-frequency items
Most revealing are forms of high frequency which have functions of coordinating and setting the mode of the utterance: conjunctions, interjections, and other items of the highest frequency are often from Spanish origins (but usually with quite changed meaning from the original Spanish, meanings which apparently developed from a single context in which the Spanish form was prominent. Not that forms with the same meanings not of Spanish origin fail to exist, but the important point is that these are forms which predominate in Tagalog to this day: adyós “good-bye”, bastá “so long as”, béses “times”, bwéno “OK”, gustó “want”, imbés “instead”, káda “each one, each time”, mas “more” (used with adjectives to form comparatives), masyádo “very”, ni “not even”, o “or”, péro “but”, pára “for, going to, in order to”, pírme “always”, pórke “just because”, pwéde “can”, síge “go ahead and do it, good-bye”, syémpre “of course”. To these we may add the extension of the particle kay homonymous with the Spanish que to introduce clauses after certain conjunctions, just a Spanish que is used to introduce clauses. An example is basta kay (clause) “with the proviso that (clause) take place”. Most telling is the form of greeting kumusta “how are you”. There were many others attested in texts from seventy and eighty years ago which have now gone out of use.
	It is these forms which are most informative of the role of Spanish and the depth of penetration. The borrowing of these forms is explainable only in terms of the role which Spanish played in Tagalog society in earlier times. Although we cannot reconstruct conversations of a century and more ago, we nevertheless can extrapolate from the present to know their form and the role which the use of Spanish played. Studies of social structures in the Philippines point out the continuity of the modern and the older patterns. A good portion of the values and the patterns of the past and much of the old social structure is carried forward to the present day. We may, therefore, assume that the linguistic present in its major contours continues patterns of the linguistic past - with the proviso that English is now substituted for Spanish. I don't mean to say that the same kinds of words are borrowed from English as were borrowed from Spanish or that they were from  the same semantic fields: the relation of English to the current languages is different from that of Spanish to them. But the patterns of usage, the way Spanish and Tagalog organized themselves into codes, and the roles which the code played — that is, what the code accomplished in forming social structure can be assumed to have changed little in essence since Spanish times. This assumption is born out by contemporary documents. For example, a character in Rizal’s Noli me Tangere, Consolación, the Filipino wife of a Spanish officer assigned to the town of the story, is described as speaking a bad Tagalog and a bad Spanish, pretending not to know Tagalog properly. The description of this woman’s speech sounds rather similar to the English-Tagalog mixture we may observe in the Tagalog community to day. 
If we look at English in the Tagalog speech community in the present time and analyze the purposes for which English is used - that is, what it does to use English in the Tagalog speech community, we can extrapolate a notion of what Spanish did in its day. A brief overview of this can be gained from the quotation which I append to this paper. The example comes from a recording made of a group of women playing Mahjong, recorded by M. Bautista (1980). What it shows is not pure English and pure Tagalog but rather a phenomenon in type similar to what Muyskens (1981) termed “media lengua” and which is now often termed “intertwined language” (Bakker and Mous, 1994), because the two languages are inextrably intertwined: the grammar and phonology is basically Tagalog, but English words or phrases are intertwined with Tagalog, and there are switches to complete English utterances and complete Tagalog utterances as well. The Tagalogs refer to this code as “Taglish”. This citation illustrates the intertwined nature of Taglish, and illuminates how we may understand the role that Spanish had in the speech of some Tagalogs. The use of English is an act of identity - that is, the intertwined speech is an indication of identity, not necessarily ethnic, but class-based. (It may be a matter of ethnicity for some speakers, for there are members of this community who take pride in having mixed blood, as opposed to the masses who are thought to have no mixture of foreign blood.) If we look at this citation we can see how it is possible for the above-cited forms of high frequency and which have such a salient role in organization conversation and giving flavor to a conversation to have come into current Tagalog. We may presume that the Spanish-Tagalog mixture of the times had much the same prestige value of the Taglish of today: it indicated class. An easy way to make reference to this code and to give oneself the aura of belonging to the group of people who use this mixed language is to throw in these salient items of vocabulary. 
	In short, some of these borrowings from Spanish into Tagalog can best be explained as the result of the existence of an intertwined Spanish-Tagalog code. What is important to note is that these forms do not require a widespread societal use of the mixed code. It would have been sufficient for only a small percentage of the community to use these forms for them to have spread throughout the speech community. In short, they are still surface manifestations: the masses adopted these forms imitating the speech of the prestigious Spanish speakers who employed them as an indication of their high status. What I mean to say is that the use of adyós in Tagalog is very similar to the use of adieu/adé in German. The use of the conjunctions and prepositions is much like the use of Dutch loan forms in eastern Indonesian dialects, which originally were employed as indicators of class but now have moved into general speech.
	On the other hand, there are definite indications that Spanish was not widely known in that Tagalog borrowings violate the Spanish rules. The loan words show that the Spanish forms in their semantic range were adapted to Tagalog dimensions and the intricacies of Spanish grammar were overridden by Tagalog rules. The morphology and syntax is with the exceptions cited in §3, above, strictly Tagalog. One telling example is that in Tagalog the noun and the verb of the same root have the same vowels, whereas the Spanish nominal and verbal derivatives often have different stem-final vowels. Thus, for a Spanish verb like atacar and noun like ataque “attack” Tagalog borrows the noun as atáke and then forms the verb on the basis of the noun, atakihin “attack it” . In the case of alkilá “rent”,  Tagalog borrows the verb and then forms the noun on the basis of it. The verb form is  alkilahín “rent it” retaining word final accent as in the Spanish alquilar “rent”, and the noun alkilá “rent” is formed on the basis of the verb, whereas Spanish forms the nominal derivative alquiler. One last example: the Spanish noun atado “bundle” is clearly derived from the verb atar “tie”, but Tagalog borrows atádo “bundle (of things to be sold)” and then forms the verb atadúhin “tie into a bundle” on the basis of this borrowed form. An example from another area of morphology: nouns in Spanish are obligatorily inflected for number, but in Tagalog are not. Thus Spanish forms are borrowed in singular or in plural, probably depending on whether singular or plural was of most frequent occurrence: bérhas “grating”, butónes “button”, búrlas/bórlas “tassle”, bóses “voice”, aláhas “jewelry”, and so forth. In some cases a Spanish form ending in /-s/ in the singular is borrowed in Tagalog without the final /s/: abriláta “can opener “ (Spanish abrilatas). Another example is bakasyón “vacation” Spanish vacaciones. (Spanish vacación means “vacancy”.) Tagalog often borrows forms which did not exist in Spanish but which must have been created in the Tagalog speech community and found their way into the mixed Spanish-Tagalog used in the community. An example is abenturóso “adventurous” (Spanish aventurero). Tagalog borrowings from Spanish are frequently not coterminous in their semantics with the Spanish. For example the meaning of a form like abásto “baggage” from Spanish abasto “provisions” comes from contamination with the Tagalog baón “baggage or provisions”. Many of these semantic changes have to do with the special context in which the Spanish form was used: thus agrasyádo “having a service or work scholarship in school” has a narrower meaning than the Spanish agraciado “fortunate, lucky”. Another indication that Spanish was not widely spoken in the community are the forms which have undergone considerable phonemic reshaping. An example of this is aguhílya “hairpin” a reshaping of Spanish horquilla “hairpin”.
5. Date of borrowing from Spanish
	I have brushed over the date of Spanish influence on Tagalog. Obviously borrowings occurred from the very beginning. But this penetration of Spanish to a deeper level which indicates the presence of a bilingual segment of the population cannot be accurately dated. Clearly, borrowing began to take place immediately in the earliest years of contact, before Tagalog had adjusted its phonology to accommodate Spanish forms. Words which now are very close to their Spanish analogues were originally borrowed with prehispanic phonology and have been reformed. In many cases doublets exist. A few examples of some of these early borrowings: alakdán “scorpion” (Spanish alacrán), alamusal “breakfast” (Spanish almozar), balása “shuffling of cards” (Spanish barajar), bandílaq “flag” or bandéra “flag”. 
	Much of this borrowing did not take place directly but actually was a case of Tagalog creation on analogy of other Spanish forms. We have exemplified this in the discussion of the borrowed endings and in the discussions of the forms shaped like Spanish derivatives which do not follow Spanish models (§3, above). This forming of new “Spanish” forms continued into the American times, and we see English forms which have been reshaped to correspond to the structure of forms borrowed from Spanish or forms of Spanish provenience given new meanings on the analogy of English cognates. Examples of English words restructured to look Spanish: we have aplikánte “applicant (for a job)”, abnormál “abnormal”, Budísmo “Buddhism”, etc. Examples of words of Spanish provenience with new meanings based on English: asesór “assessor” (Spanish asesor “advisor”), aktwal “actual” (Spanish actual “current”), alumno “alumnus” (Spanish alumno “student”), etc.
6. Depth of penetration
	Although in quantity the languages of the Philippines have borrowed extensively, such that rarely does the utterance occur which does not have an item or two of Spanish origin, the total extent of borrowing from Spanish is clearly far less that that of Chamorro (Stolz 1998). An important object of research would be a comparative social history of the Chamorro community and a speech community in the Philippines to discover the reasons behind the difference. In comparing Spanish influence with English, it is difficult to ascertain whether English is having an influence more profound than Spanish or less. Counting items in a dictionary can shed little light on this. The difficulty is determining which English forms have become part of the Tagalog vocabulary and when an English form which occurs in an on-going conversation is, in fact, an example of code switch to Taglish or English. The dictionaries list any and all forms of Spanish origin., but omit forms from English on the intuition that they are not part of the Tagalog vocabulary. For this reason, counting forms would yield a higher total number of forms of Spanish origin than ones of English origin, but this clearly cannot give information on comparable depth of penetration. Previously (Wolff 1973), on a different basis I erroneously concluded that the depth of English penetration in Cebuano was less than that of Spanish. My conclusion was based on an observation that Cebuano showed little evidence of grammatical interference from English but did show such evidence from Spanish. I assumed that such hispanized Cebuano forms could only have arisen if there had been speakers of Cebuano who were dominant in Spanish. We are now more sophisticated about the kinds of bilingualism and language contact which exist – for example, we now know of intertwined languages, and this type of contact better explains these hispanized Cebuano forms in terms of the social situation which obtained in the Philippines during the Spanish times than does the hypothesis that the hispanized Cebuano forms originate in a section of the speech community which was Spanish dominant. Anglicized forms of Tagalog or any Philippine language may well exist, but not be recognized as Tagalog (or the relevant Philippine language) because the community also uses Taglish or some other intertwined code, and such Anglicized forms are quite readily discarded as belonging not to Tagalog or the relevant Philippine language but to the intertwined code. Since at the present time the part of the speech community which uses the intertwined code is larger in proportion to the part which used the intertwined code in Spanish times, one would predict  that any study of depth of penetration would show rather more profound English penetration.
7. Conclusion
	This essay is an investigation on what the Tagalog loan words from Spanish can tell us about the nature of the process of hispanization of the Philippines – what kind of facts about the society determinable from other sources can explain the data provided by the loan words. Clearly the cultural borrowings from Spanish confirm what we know about the areas of Filipino life which were affected by the Spanish conquest. More interesting are forms which deviate from the Spanish original in semantics and in grammatical or phonological features. These deviations reveal the extent to which Spanish concepts were not taken over but reinterpreted into a Filipino understanding of the world. But the most interesting forms are those of the intimate vocabulary – forms of high frequency and great saliency in the conversation. Their existence in Tagalog indicates the presence of a bilingual segment of the Tagalog speech community, a group of high prestige whose speech influenced the entire community. The existence in Tagalog of forms of Spanish origin with these particular meanings can best be explained by the presence of a group within the community which used Spanish as a code. The nature of the borrowed forms - their grammatical, semantic, and phonological characteristics indicate that in all probability the Spanish code used within the Tagalog speech community had a character much like the English used currently - that is, the character of the intertwined language called Taglish and illustrated in the appendix. This use of intertwined languages is typically motivated by the need to express an identity apart from the members of the community who do not use this code. Further, another indication of the existence of this kind of intertwined prestige code in Spanish times is the fact that productive use of Spanish features characterize the current language. This productive use of Spanish features consists of additions of derivative affixes and reforming borrowings from English to give them a Spanish or pseudo-Spanish phonology.

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Appendix
The following example from a recording made of a group of women playing Mahjong exemplifies the interwined nature of Taglish, and illuminates how we may understand the role Spanish had in the speech of some Tagalogs. The use of English is an act of identity — that is, the intertwined speech is an indication of identity, not necessarily ethnic, but class based. (It may be a matter of ethnicity for some speakers, for there are members of this community who take pride in having mixed blood, as opposed to the masses who have no mixture of foreign blood.) The example was recorded by M. Bautista (1980). Words of English origin are spelled as in English, but we have to bear in mind that they are adapted to Tagalog phonology. The mixture of boldface and normal type is iconic of the intertwined nature of the speech.

Mother:	Ano ba. Madyong na lang kayo nang madyong. Ang baby mo ay iyak nang iyak.	/what question-particle Mahjong only you and mahjong topic-marker baby your topic-marker cry and cry/	What! all you ever do is play mahjong. Your baby is crying and crying.	
Daughter	Inang, pakiasikaso nyo nga siya. Siguro kailangan nang diaper at warm milk. Nananalo ako dito. Baka mawala ang luck ko. Please! 	/mother please-take-care-of you please him probably needs object-marker diaper and warm milk. Am-winning I here. Lest go-away topic-marker luck my. Please/	Mother, please take care of him, could you? He probably needs a new diaper and warm milk. I'm winning here. (If I leave the table) I might run out of luck. Please.	
Player (1)	You know naiisip ko na one day I will open a day-care center. Maraming nagmamadyong dito but no one has a good baby-sitter.	/You know am-thinking I that one day I will open a day-care center. Many-who-are playing-mahjong here, but.../	You know, I think that one day I will open a day-care center. Lots of people play Mahjong here but no one has a good baby sitter.	
Daughter: 	Oy ang sister ko sa Manila ay nag-open nang center because lahat daw nang kanilang friends ay iniiwanan ang manga children sa manga maids. Lahat ay uneducated. The whole day wala ang manga parents. Can you imagine? Makati is a good target place, malapit sa manga eskul, commercial center, at yuong offices nang manga parents.	/oy topic-marker sister my at Manila topic-marker opening object-marker center because all they-say of their friends topic marker are-leaving-behind topic-marker plural children to plural maids. All topic-marker uneducated the whole day not-there topic-marker plural parents Makati is a good target place near to plural schools, commercial center and those office of plural parents	My sister in Manila opened a center because all of her friends leave their children with the maids. All of them (the maids) are uneducated. The parents are gone the whole day. Can you imagine? Makati is a good target (for a drop-off center) because it is close to the schools, commercial center and to the parents offices.